1.1 Long-term

The historical background of the theology of Vatican II can be both situated in a long-, medium- and short-term history. The long-term history behind Vatican II begins for some with the French Revolution in 1789 and the way in which it heightened the tensions between the Church and its doctrine with the modern political states and Enlightenment ideals. This interaction, however, played out particularly in the long nineteenth century. Indeed, under the influence of the Restoration, traditionalism gained a foothold in Catholicism, thus paving the way for the rise of ultramontanism and an emerging neo-scholastic theology. Despite Catholicism’s political struggles with liberalism, Enlightenment ideals, and rationalism, nineteenth-century Catholicism was equally marked by religious revéil (particularly in the mid-nineteenth century) that meant exponential growth for religious orders and congregations, and spurred on the laity and their popular beliefs and devotions. All this came to a head during the pontificate of Pius IX, who – strongly influenced by the revolutions of 1848 – made the fight against modernity (including liberalism) central to his pontificate, as shown in the Syllabus Errorum, the appendix to the Quanta Cura encyclical issued on 8 December 1864. This also strongly marked, after years of Tridentine Catholicism, the convocation of the First Vatican Council (1869–1870). On the theological level, this council was in keeping with Dei Filius in occupying the middle ground between rationalism and traditionalism in understanding revelation, and on the ecclesiological Pastor Aeternus defined papal primacy and infallibility. The premature conclusion of this council due to the capture of Rome by the Rissorgimento troops and the subsequent unresolved ‘Roman question’ determined the relations with the modern states for the decades to come. Equally decisive was the pontificate of Leo XIII. His various encyclicals were epitomes of a broader policy of ‘ralliement’, the rapproachment between church and state, during this pontificate. Indeed, Aeterni Patris (1879) gave impetus to neo-scholasticism and the development of neo-Thomism via the return to the texts of Thomas Aquinas; Rerum novarum (1891) inaugurated a tradition of Catholic social teaching that aimed to deal with the ‘social question’ spurred by the second industrial revolution, and Providentissimus Deus (1893) promoted the study of the Bible with the inclusion of critical methods. With the pontificate of Pius X, tying in with the policies of his namesake predecessor, and its defining fight against ‘modernism’ the theological matrix for understanding theological development in the twentieth century (cf. Étienne Fouilloux) was set.

1.2 Medium-term

In the medium term, the theology of Vatican II was determined by the developments of church and theology during the interwar period, the aftermath of the Second World War and the context of the Cold War, a period that was encompassed by the long pontificate of Pius XII. Within the Church – but in close contact with socio-cultural developments and contacts with other Christian churches and other religions – developments often played out around different movements, in particular the liturgical movement, the lay apostolate movement, the ecumenical movement, and the biblical movement. Theologically, this was all held together by movements of ressourcement and renewal. Underlying the various movements, one can indeed see a renewed study of biblical, liturgical, and Thomistic/Patristic sources enabling a more historically-subject oriented theology in line with current times. Often the ‘nouvelle théologie’ – with all the necessary nuances surrounding this name – is used as showcase for this development. However, it should not be overlooked that this was part of a broader anthropological turn in mid-twentieth-century theology in which the acceptance of historicity was a key element (cf. Roger Aubert). The magisterium’s acceptance of these developments was mixed. Relying on the centralized church image of Vatican I in particular, the Roman neo-scholastic theology and its representatives, especially at the Gregorian University, such as Réginald Garrigou-Lagrange, regarded these developments with suspicion. Several of these movements had gained significant momentum after the Second World War. Neo-Thomism itself, in particular through the work of the French philosophers Jacques (esp. his L’Humanisme Intégral) and Raïssa Maritain had found its way to the general public and also led to new artistic expressions. Incorporated by the representatives of L'Art Sacré, this had led among others to a new Catholic self-expression in post-war church architecture. With the encyclical Divino Afflante Spiritu (1943), Pius XII had given leeway to the historical-critical method in exegesis. Likewise, the encyclical Mediator Dei (1947) confirmed impulses for a spiritual ressourcement of the liturgy and active participation of the laity given by Romano Guardini and Dom Lambert Beauduin to the liturgical movement. The pivotal moment seemed to be, however, the year 1950, proclaimed a Holy Year by Pope Pius XII. For the first time, a dogma was defined with papal infallibility, the dogma of the Assumption of Mary. At the same time, also the encyclical Humani Generis was promulgated, warning against various deviations in academic disciplines, including an expression of views on evolution within biology. With the various international congresses and gatherings organized in Rome on the occasion of the Holy Year, it was also a pivotal moment in the further stirring up of Catholic internationalism. This played out in particular through the World Congresses for the Lay Apostolate (1951, 1957), but equally through the transnational activities of Catholic organizations in which the OIC played a central role. These developments helped to further diversify forms of Catholic Action with movements such as the Legion of Mary. But perhaps of even greater importance was the breakthrough of specialized Catholic Action on the model of the Belgian priest Joseph Cardijn, which swiftly spread internationally and – especially through the Young Christian Workers – managed to achieve the emancipation of lay people through the ‘see judge act’ method.

1.3 Short-term

In the short term, Vatican II can be situated within the long 1960s, a period defined by scholars such as McLeod as a time of rapid developments in the social and ecclesiastical spheres – especially in Western Europe, with major implications for Christendom. It was a period marked by major contradictions: increased economic prosperity but equally a greater awareness of world poverty; a great belief in scientific progress yet under the shadow of nuclear war; the belief in a unifying humanity under the shadow of the struggle for decolonization. The latter increased in importance exponentially with seventeen African countries gaining independence in 1960. On the world stage, the Berlin crisis (1961) and the Cuban missile crisis (1962) brought Cold War tensions between John F. Kennedy, the first Catholic president of the United States, and Nikita Khrushchev, Chairman of the Soviet Union, to an unprecedented height. Increased affluence and urbanization that had started in the 1950s disrupted the classical socialization of people into Catholicism that so often characterized rural communities, and the first signs of secularization noted in the years before among the working class in works such as Yvan Daniel and Henri Godin’s La France, Pays de Mission? now continued rapidly at all levels of society. Christianity in general, and Catholicism in particular, were pushed back from the public sphere to the private sphere. The second sexual revolution, in which the commercialization of the contraceptive pill in 1960 played a particular role, also put increasing pressure on the Catholic view of family and sexuality morality. Most importantly, however, was that on 9 October 1958 the long pontificate of Pope Pius XII came to an end and Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli was elected as new pope on 28 October, taking the papal name John XXIII.

4.1 The first conciliar period and intersession

The council’s first period (11 October–8 December 1962) was marked by the Council Father’s growing awareness of co-responsibility over the accomplishment of the council and its schemata. In preparation of the first period of the council, the Council Father had been sent seven preparatory schemata, between July and November 1962. The first batch of documents were De Fontibus Revelationis on the sources of Revelation, De Deposito Fidei on revelation, De Ordine Morali Christiano on the Christian moral order, De Castitate, Matrimonio, Familia et Verginitate on chastity, marriage, family, and virginity, De Sacra Liturgia on sacred liturgy, De Instrumentis Communicationis Socialis on the means of social communication, and De Ecclesiae Unitate on ecumenism. In the lead up to the council and over the first few days of the proceedings, it was evident there was a certain dissatisfaction with these drafts.

The first session started with a discussion on the De Sacra Liturgia, as it clearly reflected the developments of the liturgical movement and was not expected to result in too much debate (22 October–13 November 1962). In general, the schema received a lot of support and the debate mainly focused on the use of vernacular languages in liturgy and the role of local bishop’s conferences. Both were in line with general tendencies that emphasized the responsibility of the local church and the bishop as the main liturgist.

As easy as the discussion on the De Sacra Liturgia had been, the De Fontibus Revelationis debate (14–21 November 1962) proved to be much more challenging. The preparatory schema, a product of the Theological Commission, was marked by its critical stance – almost condemnation – of the historical critical method and a presentation of Scripture and Tradition as the two sources of revelation and thus ignored the advancements made in the Biblical Movement and the Ecumenical Movement respectively. This resulted in a first public clash between Cardinal Ottaviani and Cardinals Alfrink, Bea, Frings, König, Liénart, Léger, Suenens, and Ritter. The split in the council hall also became clear in the vote on the interruption of the debate on the schema, and what de facto would mean the rejection of this schema. Despite the 1,368 placet to 822 non placet vote, it did not achieve the two-third majority needed to come to a decision, causing John XXIII to intervene in favour of those asking to interrupt the debate and to transfer the schema to a mixed commission of the Doctrinal Commission and the Secretariat for Christian Unity.

The period continued with two short debates: the debate on the schema on social communication means (23–26 November 1962) resulted in the acceptance of the schema. The debate on Ut unum sint (23–26 November 1962) resulted in the proposal to integrate this schema on Christian unity that dealt mostly with the relation between Catholics and the Orthodox through a reunification and reconciliation lens in a schema that dealt with ecumenism in a broader sense. However, these debates mainly turned out to be a kind of interlude before the debate on the schema De Ecclesia (1–7 December 1962). The debate was short and brought to light the criticisms on the schema, summarized by Mgr. De Smedt on behalf of the SCUF as subject to ‘triumphalism, legalism, and clericalism’. The schema was met with pleas for it to take into account the ecclesiological developments of the past century, including the increased Christocentrism and attention for the college of bishops.

The end of this first period was, however, mostly marked by an adjustment of the council’s organization in order to make it more efficient. The Belgian Cardinal Suenens played a decisive role in this through introducing the ad intra and ad extra division of the schemata in his speech in December. Joined by Cardinals Montini and Lercaro, among others, this established a new programme for the council at the beginning of the second session, consisting of seventeen drafts divided according to these two lines of intra-ecclesial and extra-ecclesial focal points. Particularly the seventeenth schema on the list, De Ecclesiae principiis et actione ad bonum societatis promovendum, would draw the attention of the Council Fathers in the years to come. Given its novelty in the conciliar tradition, it would be mainly referred to as its position on the list of schemas, i.e. Schema XVII and later Schema XIII. Its rather late presence on the agenda, however, did not mean that no attention had been paid to the modern world and its challenges: the preparatory schemata had made this clear already, but equally so did the Message of the Council Fathers – following initiatives of Marie-Dominique Chenu and Jacques Lebret, among others – which was sent out to the world on 20 October 1962 and made clear the commitment of the Council Fathers to enter into dialogue with the modern world.

The first intersession was the epitome of how these periods could have a decisive influence on the conciliar process. In the first place the newly created Coordination Commission (presided by Amleto Cicognani) would oversee the work on the different schemata. However, it would mainly be extra-conciliar events that would set the agenda during this period, such as the promulgation of Pacem in Terris on 11 April 1963. Pacem in Terris dealt with the questions of war and peace in the middle of the Cold War and would, like Mater et Magistra (15 May 1961) become a point of reference for the Council Fathers in the later discussions on Schema XVII/XIII. In particular, its address to ‘all people of good will’ in the opening lines set the tone for a more dialogical approach. At around the same time, the death of Pope John XXIII occurred on 3 June, followed by the subsequent conclave. The continuation or otherwise of the council was prevalent in the minds of the papal electors. The election of the Archbishop of Milan, Giovanni Battista Montini on 21 June, evidenced a clear choice in favour of continuation. A week later, on 27 June, he announced he would do as such and would reconvene the Council Fathers to Rome on 29 September. Yet, while John XXIII had been the pope who had given the Council to the Council Fathers, the pontificate of Paul VI clearly planned the council to lead it – hopefully without too much friction between majority and minority – to a close. In addition, he also appointed four moderators, Cardinals Grégoire-Pierre XV Agagianian, Archbishop of Munich, and Freising Julius Döpfner, Giacomo Lercaro, Archbishop of Bologna, and Leon-joseph Suenens, Archbishop of Malines-Brussels who would form the bridge between the Pope and the Council Fathers.

4.2 Second period and intersession

The council’s second period (29 September–4 December 1963) would most strongly be marked by the continued debates on the De Ecclesia. In his opening speech on 29 September, Paul VI introduced four guiding principles for the upcoming period, namely the presentation of the theology of the Church, the inner renewal of the Church, the promotion of Christian unity, and dialogue with the modern world. In particular this last aspect of ‘dialogue’ as the new guiding principle, one to which he would later return more extensively in the encyclical Ecclesiam Suam (6 August 1964), would become his imprint on the council. The discussions took off the next day on the new schema De Ecclesia, that went back to a draft prepared by Gerard Philips during the intersession. The shifts were remarkable, the juridical focus on the ecclesial hierarchy had been shifted to a sacramental understanding, placing the mystery of the Church centrally. At the same time, the college of bishops started to receive more attention from the council, as discussions recalled its biblical roots. Of symbolic importance was the acceptance of the request to give the chapter on the People of God precedence over the chapter on the hierarchy. The general positive tone in the discussions was reflected in the strong majority vote to continue with the present schema.

Next followed the discussion on the bishops and the governance of the dioceses (5–18 November 1963). Despite strong critiques of the preparatory schema – among others for not respecting the idea of collegiality and respecting the conciliar style – and Council Fathers taking the opportunity to call for reforms of the Roman Curia in this context, the schema was accepted for discussion. During the proceedings, it became clear how this discussion was influenced by the long shadow of Vatican I, and it became a learning process in collegiality for many of the Council Fathers.

The final discussion was reserved for the discussion on the schema on ecumenism (18 November–2 December 1963). The discussion focused on the first three chapters, during which it became clear that despite the advocacy by some Council Fathers in favour of a return to ecumenism, the majority valued the ecumenical rapprochement. The debate on the last two chapters of the schema – on the relation to Judaism and religious liberty – was postponed to the next period, which responded both to their controversial nature and to the question of whether these texts actually belonged in a schema on ecumenism. This second period had been marked by many tensions that could finally be laid to rest, at least temporarily, due to the voting on the constitution on liturgy and the decree on social communication means, both of which were accepted by the Council Fathers on 4 December. Both schemas were promulgated by Pope Paul VI adding to the formulation that it was done ‘una cum Venerabilibus Patribus’.

In his concluding speech, Paul VI had already indicated that during second intersession he would pay a visit to Jerusalem (4–6 January 1964). The pilgrimage of Paul VI should certainly be understood in the context of the ongoing conciliar debates on ecumenism and on the relation to Judaism – in particular, his successful meeting with Patriarch Athenagoras during which they prayed together and expressed that their hope to restore Christian communion would hold symbolic importance for the conciliar proceedings. Secondly, it had become clear in the meantime that many topics were still open for discussion, and an early end of the council was not yet in sight. Based on a plan that Döpfner had already worked out the previous year, the Coordinating Commission decided to propose that only the schemata On the Church, On Bishops, On Revelation, On the Apostolate of the Laity, On Ecumenism, and On the Church in the Modern World be continued; the other texts would be transferred to post-conciliar committees, so that the Council could end after its third period. However, the changes to the regulation for a more efficient use of time, which had been equally part of this Döpfner plan, were met with opposition during the third session and made a conclusive end to the Council in one more period unlikely.

4.3 Third period and intersession

The third period of the council (14 September–21 November 1964) was strongly marked by the hope of making as much progress as possible, including on hot topics such as religious liberty. In his opening speech Paul VI emphasized the importance of collegiality, a topic that would return at the end of this period in all strength. A rapid succession of debates followed on the schemata on the Church (16–23 September), on the bishops (18–22 September), on religious liberty (23–28 September), in which a text that had been given now the status of decree drew much criticism for creating the risk for indifferentism, but also got the strong support of the American bishops), and on the non-Christians and Jews (28–29 September). The debate on the schema on revelation (30 September–6 October) prompted a minority and majority report that argued respectively for the equal importance of tradition and the singularity of Scripture as a source of revelation; this issue was clearly not yet settled. The debate on the schema on lay apostolate (6–13 October) made clear that probably due to its novelty the schema was not considered mature enough and reflecting the advancements in lay apostolate of the past decades. Nevertheless, this debate provided the context for the historic moment when Patrick Keegan, as a layman, took the floor on 13 October to address the Council Fathers.

Among the schemata still discussed – on the priests (14–15 October), on the Eastern Churches (15–22 October), on the missions (6–8 November), on religious life (10–12 November), on Christian education (17–19 November), and on the training of priests (13–18 November) – it would be the discussion on the schema on the Church in the world (20 October–10 November) that would be most intense. This document, having gone through a variety of different drafts, was still marked by ambiguity over the diversity of topics to be included and the style – either doctrinal or pastoral – to be used. The debate finally addressed the relationship between the church and the world, the assessment of culture, modern atheism, and developments in thinking around marriage and family among others. What became clear is that pre-conciliar tensions over incarnational or eschatological theological visions of history, the need for inductive or deductive theology, or the engagement of theology with other academic disciplines clearly surfaced in the context of these debates. It also became clear that a fourth session was really necessary to bring this schema to a successful conclusion.

The last week of the council was marked by a series of incidents that rocked the council’s fate, and would be dubbed ‘the Black Week’. Firstly, before the vote on the third chapter De Ecclesia, Felici announced ‘by mandate of higher authority’ that a Nota Explicativa Praevia would be included in the text that proposed a ‘introductory and restrictive interpretation of the text on collegiality’. Secondly, the vote on the schema on religious freedom was cancelled. Thirdly, being distributed last minute before the final vote, it became clear that the Pope had made minor changes to the Decree on Ecumenism – for which the Council Fathers had already approved every chapter. While this period closed with the successful promulgation on 21 November of Lumen Gentium, Unitatis redintegration, and Orientalium Ecclesiarum, these interventions giving the impression that Paul VI was succumbing to the pressure coming from the conciliar minority had caused frustration among the Council Fathers. Moreover – especially in the context of the debates around schedule XVII/XIII – fractures in the conciliar majority began to become clear.

The third intersession was a period of tremendous activity to accomplish the successful voting of the remaining documents in the last period. This included Paul VI’s participation in the International Eucharistic Congress in Bombay, the huge working meeting of the Mixed Commission on Schema XIII in Ariccia (31 January–6 February), and intensive diplomatic works for the success of some of the more controversial documents, like Nostra Aetate, including conversations with the Catholic actors in the Middle East and the (Muslim) political leaders of the Middle Eastern countries.

4.4 Fourth period

The fourth period (14 September 14–8 December 1965) was mainly dominated by the Church’s dialogue with the modern world. This was made clear in Paul VI’s opening speech, during which he also surprisingly announced the creation of a body of bishops that would regularly meet with him. The next day, the Synod of Bishops was created with the motu proprio Apostolica Sollicitudo. He also announced his visit to the United States on 4 October, where he would address the United Nations assembly. Upon his arrival back in Rome – and being brought straight to the conciliar aula where all Council Fathers were assembled – they requested the speech to be included in the conciliar acts as a symbol of the Church’s engagement with the modern world. Debates started with the revised schema on religious freedom (15–21 September), and the final vote on the schema on revelation (22 September), but would focus substantially on Schema XIII (21 September–8 October). The text – the only original written in a modern language, French – was still criticized for being too optimistic, failing to make clear the relationship between nature and the supernatural, and at times lacking conceptual clarity such as on the concepts of ‘world’, ‘creation’, and ‘culture’. Nonetheless, it received an overall positive vote for the discussion chapter by chapter, during which interventions on the council’s approach to atheism, to marriage and family, and to nuclear arms were especially notable.

This was followed by final debates and votes on the schema on the Church’s missionary activity (8–13 October), on Christian education (13–14 October), on the non-Christian religions (14–15 October). Before the debate on priesthood (13–16 and 25–27 October) began, Paul VI had made it clear via a letter on 11 October that he would withdraw the hot topic of celibacy from the council, so the debate mainly focused on the tension in the priestly image between the sacramental minister and the presbyter in the service of the world.

After the debates, the final votes and approval (mostly with overwhelming majority) of Christus Dominus, Perfectae caritatis, Optatam totius and Gravissimum Educations, Nostra Aetate on 28 October and Dei Verbum and Apostolicam Actuositatem on 18 November brought to light the achievements of the council. It was also the achievement of the many redactors who had succeeded during the intersession and in this period to still integrate the many amendments requested by the Council Fathers. However, the final votes on the schedule in the modern world (15–17 November) and Paul V’s four modi for the chapter on marriage – including the demand for a ban on artificial contraception – made it clear that tensions were still alive in the conciliar assembly. Emphasizing the freedom of conscience and personal responsibility of couples in this particular case, but showing a great sense of nuance, diplomacy and comprise in general by the redactors, Gaudium et spes was overwhelmingly approved on 7 December, along with Presbyterorum Ordinis, Ad Gentes, and Dignitatis Humanae. The same day Cardinal Johannes Willebrands was also given the honour of reading, during the public ceremony, the declaration lifting the mutual excommunication between the Catholic and the Orthodox Church.

The council closed on December 8 with a public session. A celebration occurred during which Pope Paul VI presented messages to specific groups in society. The messages were to the ‘men’ of thought and science, to the heads of state, to the artists, to women, to the youth, to the workers, to the Council Fathers, and finally, to the poor, the sick, and the suffering. With the apostolic brief In Spiritu Sancto, the Council was officially closed.

5.1 The constitutions: the dogmatic axis of the council

Sacrosanctum Concilium, Constitution on the Divine Liturgy (4 December 1963; 2,147 placet, 4 non placet) was the first approved document of the council. It emphasized the eucharistic nature of the Church, defining the Eucharist as the ‘sacrament of unity’. After opening with the importance of liturgy for the life of the Church, the eight chapters of the constitution discuss the renewal and promotion of the liturgy, the mystery of the Eucharist, the sacraments and sacramentals, the liturgy of the hours, the liturgical year, sacred music, and finally sacred art. Throughout these chapters the idea of the liturgy as ‘the summit toward which the activity of the Church is directed; at the same time it is the font from which all her power flows’ (SC 10) runs as a common thread, clearly reflecting the achievements of the Liturgical Movement. This also is reflected in its embrace of the active participation of the faithful in the liturgy, and consequently the call for the increased use of the vernacular in the liturgy. At the same time, the importance of the Word of God also comes more strongly to the fore. While the schema was voted in with a large majority, its implementation through the Consilium ad Exsequendam Constitutionem De Sacra Liturgia commission in the post-conciliar years proved – as one of the most visible results of the council at grassroots level – at times a stumbling block in the conciliar reception.

Lumen gentium, Dogmatic Constitution on the Church (21 November 1964; 2,151 placet; 5 non placet) functioned as synthesis of Vatican II’s ecclesiology with a biblical-patristic orientation as a benchmark for all other documents. Divided into eight chapters, the document deals with the mystery of the church with an emphasis on its sacramental nature, the realization of this mystery through the People of God that share as a whole in the threefold office of Christ, and the hierarchical structure of the church (with special attention for the bishops in which it elevated the college of bishops). It goes on to develop how the laity in particular contributes to the mission of the church through its apostolate that shared in the threefold office of Christ, the universal call for holiness that broadened the understanding of the paths to perfection, the religious as an essential expression of this striving to holiness, the eschatological character of the church, and a final chapter on Mary, the mother of God. The constitution integrated insights from all the pre-conciliar movements, particularly aspects of sacramental theology with its emphasis on the Church as mystery and the importance of the laity – reflected in the decision to place the chapter on the People of God before the chapters dealing with the church hierarchy. The constitution remained a guiding document in the post-conciliar period where, in particular in the 1985 synod, the communio-ecclesiology contained in the constitution received even greater emphasis.

Dei Verbum, Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation (18 November 1965; 2,344 placet, 6 non placet) places the Word of God at the centre of the life of the church, with its dynamic and dialogical view on Revelation. After an introduction in which the listening and proclaiming character of the church is emphasized, six chapters present revelation in a relational perspective, with God communicating himself, speaking to humans ‘as friends’ and inviting them to enter on ‘voluntarily’ into communion with him, the transmission of Revelation in which the tradition concept in particular is further developed, as well as the inspiration and interpretation of Scripture in which attention is given to the literary genres employed by the human authors, with further indications on the Old and New Testament (chapters IV and V respectively). The constitution closes emphasizing the significance of Scripture in the life of the church and its importance also for theology. This Constitution reflected one of the greatest developments of the council in which the initial emphasis in the De Fontibus Revelationis and De deposito fidei pure custodiendo schemata on the two-source doctrine on revelation – both Scripture and tradition – gave room for the integration of the historical-critical exegetical insights of the past century and, with its emphasis on the Word of God, also resonated with ecumenical sensibilities.

Gaudium et spes, Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World (7 December 1965; 2,300 placet; 75 non placet) redefines Catholicism’s relation to modernity on a Christian anthropological and dialogical basis. In its extensive preface introduction dealing with the condition of humanity in today’s world (GS 1–3; 4–10), the Pastoral Constitution expresses the Church’s solidarity with the whole of humanity, condensed in its opening lines expressing the shared ‘joys and hopes, and sorrow and anxieties’ of the people of today and the disciplines of Christ; and the ‘reading of the signs of the times in light of the Gospel’ (GS 4). Its first rather dogmatic part focuses on the Church and the vocation of humanity by respectively focusing on the dignity of the human person, the human community, the human’s activity in the world, and the church’s task in today’s world. This part elaborated lengthily on atheism, a topic to which also the then Archbishop of Krakow, Karol Wojtyła had strongly contributed. The second part deals with some urgent problems of the time, being defined by the dignity of marriage and the family, the development of culture, socio-economic life, life in the political community, and questions on war and peace.

The document in general shows, in line with Gaudet Mater Ecclesia, a pastoral concern that is expressed in a balance between a theological and sociological style. More concretely, this led the Council Fathers among others to an emphasis on personalist/situational ethics in its chapter on marriage and family – including a focus on conjugal love – and a realistic definition of culture as the human being’s self-realization, and an equally strong dose of realism where it concerns the views on nuclear warfare. This second part had been an adnexa in the initial stages of the redaction process, but was eventually fully integrated into the schema and, as the first footnote makes clear, leading to a full integration of the dogmatic and pastoral character throughout the two parts of the constitution.

5.2 The nine conciliar decrees: initiating practical implementation

Inter mirifica, Decree on Mass Communication (IM, 4 December 1963; 1,960 placet; 164 non placet), gave pointers on dealing with media such as press, radio, and television. Despite the rise of popular media in the 1960s, and the great importance of the press for this particular council, the decree mainly reflected pre-conciliar moralizing positions on media. Consecutively it dealt with the rights of the Church when dealing with and the duties of those consuming, providing and controlling these means of communication (IM, chapter I) and discussed the international collaboration between the Church and national organizations for the media (IM, chapter II). The position of the decree was redirected in the 1971 pastoral instruction Communio et progressio.

Unitatis redintegratio, Decree on Ecumenism (21 November 1964; 2,137 placet, 11 non placet), was clearly the result of the Ecumenical movement, John XXIII’s ecumenical intentions with the council, and the concrete work of the Secretariat for Christian Unity and its allies. Starting from the ‘desire for the restoration of unity among all the followers of Christ’ in the introduction, the three chapters deal with the Catholic principles on ecumenism, the practice of ecumenism and the ‘churches and ecclesial communities separated from the Roman Apostolic See’, dealing first with the Eastern churches and then the churches that resulted from the Reformation. The decree reflects the broader development of the council from an exclusivist to an inclusivist ecclesiology that recognized ‘significant elements and endowments […] outside of the visible boundaries of the Catholic Church’ (UR 3), while also indicating that the unity of the Church of Christ ‘subsists in the Catholic Church’ (UR 4). In adopting a ‘hierarchy of truths’ (UR 11) within Catholic teaching, the council situated itself as part of a consistent tradition striving towards the pursuit of Christian unity and paved the way for post-conciliar engagement in the ecumenical dialogues.

Orientalium Ecclesiarum, Decree on the Catholic Eastern Churches (21 November 1964; 2,110 placet, 30 non placet) focuses on the particular Catholic churches and rites sui iuris, emphasizing the nature of the Catholic Church as a community of churches in which there is equal dignity among the particular churches of the East and the West. After a preamble, the decree discusses the particular churches and rites, the preservation of the spiritual heritage of the Eastern churches, and the Eastern rite patriarchs – aligning with LG and UR in stating the importance of their synods – as well as the discipline of the sacraments, divine worship, and the relations with the Eastern Churches. Although its redaction history and the content of the decree are sometimes in tension with ecumenism as expressed in UR, the decree was somewhat overlooked in the initial reception of the council. However, due to increased migration of Eastern rite Catholics and the situation of the particular churches in the Middle East, the decree has regained attention in recent years.

Perfectae caritatis, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life (28 October 1965; 2,321 placet, 4 non placet) aims to renew the theology and practice of religious life starting from the ecclesiological dimension of religious life as set out in Lumen Gentium. It builds further on the foundations of a ‘constant return to the sources of all Christian life and to the original spirit of the institutes and their adaptation to the changed conditions of our time’ (PC 2) on the basis of five guiding principles: following of Christ as set out in the Gospels, the rediscovery of the original charism, participation in the life of the Church, discernment of the signs of the times, renewal of the spirit according to the evangelical counsels. On the basis of these principles, the diverse forms of religious life (i.e. contemplative, apostolic active, monastic, and secular institutes) are discussed, wherein community is emphasized over individualism in the following of the evangelical counsels. The decree ends with a discussion on the concrete aspects of renewal and adaptation of religious life, among other instructions on clothing.

Christus Dominus, Decree on the Bishops’ Pastoral Office in the Church (28 October 1965; 2,319 placet, 2 non placet) builds upon LG’s theology on the office of bishops and elaborates on how to shape this office pastorally. After a foreword, the decree discusses the role of the bishops in the universal church, in their particular churches or dioceses, and their cooperation within the church, for example in synods, councils, and bishops’ conferences. The decree concludes with calls for a reform of the code of canon law, directories for the care of the souls, and the pastoral care of special groups of faithful. The decree stresses how the office of the bishop can only be understood in unity within the episcopal college (CD 4).

Apostolicam actuositatem, Decree on the Apostolate of the Laity (18 November 1965; 2,42 placet, 2 non-platet) had been drafted by the Commission for the Apostolate of the Laity under the presidency of Fernando Cento and secretary Achille Glorieux in collaboration with members of the laity. Building on decades of success of Catholic lay apostolate and further broadening since a unique focus on Catholic Action, the decree emphasizes the lay apostolate as an integral ‘vocation’ of the Church. It subsequently deals with the ‘vocation’ of the laity to the apostolate from a Christological perspective, the aims of the apostolate in the temporal and spiritual realm with caritas as the central guiding principle, the different milieus of the apostolate, its individual and collective expressions – developed most extensively in a chapter wherein the Catholic Action functions as a role model, while a broader definition of lay apostolate is accepted – the position of lay apostolate in the Church, and the necessary formation to apostolate. In sum, the decree wanted to contribute to the ongoing rise of the importance of the laity in the Church ‘so that they may show that they are co-workers in the various forms and modes of the one apostolate of the Church, which must be constantly adapted to the new needs of our times’ (AA 33).

Ad gentes, Decree on the Missionary Activity of the Church (7 December 1965; 2,394 placet; 5 non-placet), contributed to a broader understanding of mission that, replacing the juridical understanding, more strongly emphasized evangelization as the fundamental mission of the Church. The document discusses the principles of mission, the actual mission work with a strong focus on witness, preaching and community building, mission in the particular churches, the profile of the missionaries, mission activity, and the cooperation of all on the basis of the whole Church being missionary.

Optatam totius, Decree on the Training of Priests (28 October 1965; 2,318 placet, 3 non placet). Starting from the necessity of the priestly formation, the first decree focuses on the need for ‘programs of priestly training’ in each country and rite, the fostering of vocations including in minor seminaries, the role of major seminaries and the spiritual, intellectual, and disciplinary training towards a pastoral end, the spiritual training and practices of piety in which pedagogical and psychological insights are integrated, the revision of the ecclesiastical studies with the alignment of philosophical and theological disciplines and discernment of the mystery of Christ, the pastoral training that includes gaining insights from other disciplines such as pedagogy, psychology, and sociology, and further training after the studies.

Presbyterorum ordinis, Decree on the Ministry and Life of Priests (7 December 1965; 2,390 placet, 4 non-placet vote), reflects the same pastoral concern as OT. The ministry of the priest is presented primarily as Presbyter sharing in the threefold office of the bishops, whereby they built up the Church ‘into the People of God, the Body of Christ, and the Temple of the Holy Spirit’ (PO 1). With a Christological-ecclesiological focus, the decree elaborates in three chapters the ministry of the priesthood in the mission of the Church, the ministry of the office of priests, and the priestly life. The decree contributed to a broadened priest image, moving away from a sole focus on being the sacramental minister to emphasizing their teaching, sanctifying, and governing roles.

5.3 The three declarations: concise position statements

Nostra aetate, Declaration on the Relationship of the Church to the Non-Christian Religions (28 October 1965; 2,221 placet, 88 non placet) is the result of centuries of tensions between the Catholic Church and Judaism, with the Shoa as most recent breaking point present in the minds of the Council Fathers and intra-conciliar developments leading to a broader document including attention for other non-Christian religions. Indeed, plans to elaborate a schema on Judaism alone, after initiative by the Jewish historian Jules Isaac, and subsequently its inclusion in the schema on ecumenism as presented by Bea during the second period, were abandoned in favour of this schema being integrated in a more comprehensive text that discussed attitudes towards non-Christian religions. The declaration, five paragraphs long, eventually dealt with the existential questions of humanity (NA 1); the value of the Eastern traditions and spiritualities, such as Hinduism and Buddhism, stating that ‘the Catholic Church rejects nothing that is true and holy in these religions’ and they ‘often reflect a ray of that Truth which enlightens all men’ (NA 2); its esteem for Islam on the basis of shared beliefs, calling for greater mutual understanding and collaboration (NA 3); and, in a very lengthy paragraph, developing the relation towards Judaism on the basis of their common roots with the prominent rejection of the Jewish deicide thesis (NA 4); concluding with the rejection of any form of discrimination, including religious discrimination (NA 5).

Gravissimum educationis, Declaration on Christian Education (28 October 1965; 2,290 placet, 35 non placet) deals in eleven paragraphs with Christian education in both Catholic and non-Catholic education on the basis of a broader emphasis on the importance of education in the life of humanity and social progress. It subsequently elaborates the right to education, the specifics of Christian education, the educators in which parents are recognized as the ‘primary and principal educators’, the various aids to education such as the media of communication, the importance of schools in Christian education, the duties and rights of parents, moral and religious education, Catholic schools, the different types of Catholic schools, Catholic colleges and universities, faculties of theology, and the need for further diocesan, national, and international collaboration. Probably because of the wide diversity of Catholic schooling systems in different regions, the declaration necessarily focused on Catholic education and formation in generalizing terms, which might also explain its lack of reception.

Dignitatis humanae, Declaration on Religious Freedom (7 December 1965; 2,308 placet, 70 non placet) presents the ‘right of the person and of communities to social and civil freedom in religious matters’, including the freedom of conscience, thus taking distance from a pre-conciliar tradition that was strongly marked by Catholic intransigentism. Its fifteen paragraphs can be divided in two parts, dealing respectively with the general principles of religious freedom and the doctrine of religious freedom in light of revelation. In particular, the recognition of the right to religious freedom as an individual and public right, on the basis of human dignity, made this statement highly debated during the council, but equally a benchmark in the Catholic Church’s relationship with the modern states.